Chapter 2, Notes, October 1996
1. Collections on contemporary indigenous politics include Guillermo Bonfil Batalla, UtopRa y revoluci(n: El pensamiento polRtico contemporaneo de los indios de AmJrica Latina (Mexico: Editorial Nueva Imagen, 1981); Francoise Morin, Indianidad, Etnocidio, Indigenismo en AmJrica Latina (Mexico: Instituto Indigenista Interamericano, Centre D'etudes Mexicaines et Centamericaines, 1988); Greg Urban and Joel Sherzer, eds., Nation-States and Indians in Latin America (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1991); Donna Lee Van Cott, ed., Indigenous Peoples and Democracy in Latin America (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1994). On indigenous social movements, see Arturo Escobar and Sonia E. Alvarez, eds., The Making of Social Movements in Latin America (Boulder: Westview Press, 1992).
2. Alison Brysk and Carol Wise, "Economic Adjustment and Ethnic Conflict in Bolivia, Mexico and Peru," paper presented at the annual meeting of the International Studies Association, Chicago, Illinoise, 21-15 February 1995; Deborah J. Yashar, "Ethnicity and Democracy in Latin America," paper presented at the Inter-American Dialogue conference on Democratic Governance, Washington, DC, 12-13 December, 1995.
4. Remo Guidieri and Francesco Pellizzi, "Smoking Mirrors-Modern Polity and Ethnicity," in Ethnicities and Nations: Processes of Interethnic Relations in Latin America, Southeast Asia, and the Pacific, eds. Pellizzi Guidieri and Stanley J. Tambiah (Austin: Rothko Chapel/University of Texas Press), 23.
5. Daniel Bell, AEthnicity and Social Change,@ in Ethnicity: Theory and Experience, eds. Nathan Glazer and Daniel P. Moynihan (Cambridge: Harvard University, 1975), 142-146.
7. Peter Wade, "The Cultural Politics of Blackness in Colombia," paper delivered at the XVIII International Congress of the Latin American Studies Association, Atlanta, Georcia, March 1994, 3; Howard Winant, "Rethinking Race in Brazil," Journal of Latin American Studies 24 (February, 1992): 189; Michael L. Conniff and Thomas J. Davis, Africans in the Americas: A History of the Black Diaspora (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1994), 304.
8. On alliances among Indians and environmentalists see Alison Brysk, "Acting Globally: Indian Rights and Interantional Politics in Latin America," in Van Cott, Indigenous Peoples, 29-54; Juan de Onis, The Green Cathedral: sustainable Development in Amazonia (New York: Twentieth Century Fund, 1992); Andrew Revkin, The Burning Season (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1990); Beth A. Conklin and Laura Graham, "Forging a Middle Ground: Amazonian Indians and Eco-Politics," manuscript, 1994; and Stuart J. Hudson, Culture and Conservation: The Alliance Between the Indigenous People of the Amazon Basin and Environmental Organizations in North America (Washington, DC: National Wildlife Federation, 1990). On cooperation between international NGOs and Indians during the UNCED conference, see Yolande Kakabadse N. with Sarah Burns, "Movers and Shapers: NGOs in International Affairs," Washington DC: World Resources Institute working paper, May, 1994.
9. The Campaign was officially launched at an international meeting in Bogot(Colombia, in 1989, which was followed by meetings in Sao Paulo and Quito (1990); Bogot(, Xoxocotla, Mexico, and Guatemala (1991), and a final "Encounter" in Managua, Nicaragua, in October of 1992.
10. John Gabriel, "Initiating a Movement: Indigenous, Black, and Grassroots Struggles in the Americas," Race and Class 35(1994): 10-12, 16; 500 Years of Resistance Campaign, Operative Secretariat, Memorias: Encuentro latinoamericano de organizaciones campesinas e indRgenas, Bogot(, Colombia, 7-12 October 1989.
11. This can also be attributed to the regular meetings of the United Nations Work Group on Indigenous Affairs, which have met yearly in Geneva since 1982 to draft an international instrument to articulate and protect indigenous rights (submitted to the Subcommission on Discrimination in 1993). Examples of the "indigenous agenda" can be found in Bonfil Batalla,1981 and in Indian-published international magazines like Abya Yala News, published by SAIIC, and Native Americas, published by Cornell University's American Indian Program.
12. John Gabriel notes that the expansion of the Campaign to include blacks and popular organizations was justified in three ways: 1) blacks brought forcibly to the Americas shared with Indians suffering due to western colonialism; 2) blacks and indigenous peoples were working on similar issues in community or trade union organizations; and 3) blacks, indigenous peoples, and the poor shared a history of domination, as well as a current fight to counter what Campaign leaders termed the "re-conquest of Latin America" by North American and European states and international countries, through the creation of new dependent relations based on development aid and free trade agreements. In addition, blacks and Indians shared problems of racism and discrimination that presented similar problems and questions of identity for emerging self-identified ethnic organizations. Gabriel, 10-12, 16.
13. Gabriel, 10-12, 16; Bice Maiguishca, "The Role of Ideas in a Changing World Order: The International Indigenous Movement, 1975-1990," Occasional Paper No. 4, Toronto: York University, 1992.
14. Blacks were 10 percent of the population following emancipation in 1888. According to the 1991 census, 5 percent of the population is black and 39 percent "pardo," or mixed race. Most reference works cite a figure of 50 percent for the combined population of African heritage. Blacks are most numerous in the northeast and in urban slums. The state of Bahia, the cradle of Afro-Brazilian culture, is 90 percent black. Don Podesta, "Black Slums Belie Brazil-s Self-Image," Washington Post, 17 August 1993. Sympathizers with the black movement assert numbers as high as 70 percent. According to Conniff and Davis, Brazil's population is 1/3 black and 1/3 mulatto (Conniff and Davis, 270).
15. The most numerous ethnic groups are the Guarani (est. 30,000), the Tikuna (est. 23,000), the Yanomami (est. 9,000), Makuxi (est. 9,000), and the Kayapo (est. 4,000), while 77 percent of the indigenous population belong to ethnic groups of fewer than 1,000 individuals. Julia Preston, "Trial Spurs Debate on Brazil's Indians. Cultural Identity, Legal Statue at Issue in Kaiapo Couple Rape Case," Washington Post, 17 August 1992, A1, A10; Congress, House, Committee on Foreign Affairs, Ana Val(ria N. Aradjo Leitao, "Establishing the Rule of Law for the Indian Peoples of Brazil," statement before the Subcommittee on Western Hemisphere Affairs, 14 July 1993, 1.
16. Congress, House, Committee on Foreign Affairs, Stephan Schwartzman, statement before the Subcommittee on Western Hemisphere Affairs, 14 July 1993.
17. Congress, House, Aradjo Leitao.
18. "Demarcation of Indian lands threatened by politics in Brazil," Amanaka'a Amazon Network Newsletter, Update #1, September 1993, 1-2; "Second Thoughts About the Yanomami. Pressure on the Biggest Reservation is Growing," Latin American Regional Reports-Brazil, 15 February 1995, 7.
19. Jan Knippers Black, "Brazil's Limited Redemocratization," Current History (February 1992): 88; Congress, House, Aradjo Leitao, 1.
20. On the impact on Indians of development and colonization of the Amazon, see Bruce Albert, "Yanomami-Kaingang: La cuesti(n de las tierras indRgenas en Brasil," in Indianidad, etnocidio, indigenismo, en AmJrica Latina, ed. Francoise Morin (Mexico: Instituto Indigenista Interamericano, Centre D'etudes Mexicaines et Centroamericaines, 1988), 202.
23. Patrick Menget, "Reflexiones sobre el derecho y la existencia de las comunidades indRgenas en Brasil," in Morin, 183-195; Albert, 211.
24. Also in 1978, a Washington NGO, the Indian Law Resource Center, began to press a complaint on behalf of the Yanomami before the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights. The Commission eventually ruled in favor of the Yanomami, although the Brazilian government ignored its request for an on-site investigation until June of 1995 (Menget, 193).
25. Congress, House, Aradjo Leitao, 2.
26. The UNI ceased to function in 1993. Carlos Frederico Mar(s de Souza, Jr., "Brazil's Outrage Intensifies as toll in Massacres Hits 73," in Van Cott, 221.
27. Jackson Diehl, "Indian Makes Presence Felt in Brazil's Congress," Washington Post, 24 November 1983.
28. Beth A. Conklin and Laura Graham, "Forging a Middle Ground: Amazonian Indians and Eco-Politics," manuscript, 1994, 16.
30. David Maybury Lewis, "Brazil's Significant Minority," Wilson Quarterly (Summer, 1990): 40.
31. Congress, House, Aradjo Leitao, 2.
32. James Brooke, "Brazil Seeks to Return Ancestral Lands to Descendants of Runaway Slaves," New York Times, 15 August 1993, A12; Glen Switkes, "Traditional Black Amazon Community Fights for Recognition of Land Rights," internet transmission, 1995.
35. Congress, House, Aradjo Leitao, 3.
36. Black, 89. Four thousand Kayap( live in a 25.3 million acre reservation, whose demarcation was largely paid for by the Rainforest Foundation, an NGO founded in 1988 by rock musician Sting and Kayap( chief Raoni.
37. Emilienne Ireland, "Neither Warriors nor Victims, the Wauja Peacefully Organize to Defend their Land," Cultural Survival Quarterly 15 (1991): 56-57.
40. "Row Over Indian Land Demarcation: Cardoso Lobbied to Rule in Favor of Private Interests," Latin American Regional Reports-Brazil (13 July 1995): 6-7; "Brazilian Senate Wishes to Review the Demarcation of Indian Lands" (Brasilia: Indianist Missionary Council, 22 December 1994).
41. Prior to the democratic opening in the 1970s, significant black organizations had formed in Brazil in the 1920s-1930s, typified by the Brazilian Negro Front. These were among the first repressed under the Getdlio Vargas coup of 1937. Another brief period of black protest occurred after World War II, which was suppressed by the military dictatorship in the 1960s. Conniff and Davis, 246-247, 288; Thomas E. Skidmore, "Fact and Myth: Discovering a Racial Problem in Brazil," Working Paper 173 (1992): 6.
43. Winant, 185-188; Conniff and Davis, 290.
44. Howard Winant, "The Fact of Blackness in Brazil," a paper presented at the XVII International Cogress of the Latin American Studies Association, Los Angeles, CA, September 1992, 1; Skidmore, 6.
47. Conklin and Graham, 32-34.
48. Winant, "Rethinking Race in Brazil." 173.
50. James Brooke, "Uniao dos Palmares Journal: From Brazil's Misty Past, a Black Hero Emerges," New York Times, 30 November 1994, A4).
51. The majority of the black population, descended from slaves liberated in 1851, lives on the Pacific Coast, where they are 80-90 percent of the population, with others concentrated on the Caribbean coast and in port cities. Colombia was the first country to officially end slavery, a condition of Haiti's assistance to Simon Bolivar. James Brooke, "Long Neglected, Colombia's Blacks Win Changes," New York Times, 29 March 1994; Conniff and Davis, 283.
52. Jesds Avirama and Rayda M(rquez, "The Indigenous Movement in Colombia," in Van Cott, 84; Harvey Kline, "Colombia: Building Democracy in the Midst of Violence and Drugs," paper prepared for the Inter-American Dialogue Conference on Democratic Governance, Washington, DC, 11-12 December 1994, 25.
54. Regional Indigenous Council of the Cauca, Como Nos Organizamos, Cartilla del CRIC No. 2, 1980.
55. Christian Gros, "Una organizaci(n ind(gena en lucha por la tierra: El Consejo Regional ind(gena del Cauca," in Morin, 238.
56. Mar(a Teresa Findji, "From Resistance to Social Movement: The Indigenous Authorities Movement in Colombia," in Escobar and Alvarez, 115-116.
57. On the origins and early achievements of the CRIC, one of the first and most successful of the contemporary wave of Indian organizations, see Christian Gros, "Una organizaci(n indRgena en lucha por la tierra: El Consejo Regional Ind(gena del Cauca," in Francoise Morin, ed., Indianidad, Etnocidio, Indigenismo en Am(rica Latina (Mexico: Instituto Indigenista Interamericano, Centre D'etudes Mexicaines et Centramericaines, 1988); and Christian Gros, Colombia Ind(gena: Identidad cultural y cambio social (Bogot(: CEREC, 1991). For an account written from the perspective of one of the leaders of the CRIC, see Avirama and M(rquez.
58. Gros, "Una organizaci(n indigena," 241-253.
61. Christian Gros, Colombia ind(gena: identidad cutural y cambio social, 222, 227.
62. Regional Indigenous Council of the Cauca (CRIC), Encuentro Ind(gena National (Lomas de Hilarco, Tolima: CRIC, 1980).
63. Avirama and M(rquez, 86.
64. Ibid., 87.
66. Gros, "Una organizaci(n ind(gena," 235, 252.
68. Gros, "Una organizaci(n ind(gena," 251.
69. While indigenous leaders from the CRIC, with whom the group is associated, say that the purpose was self-defense, Findji contends that the Indian guerrillas had the same political motivations as the country's other armed groups, and alleges that the Quint(n Lame may have been responsible for the assassination of rival AICO leaders. Findji, 128.
71. The success of the mayoral elections was marred by a wave of violence and intimidation against the new leftist party Patriotic Union (UP) in which 20 of 87 mayoral candidates were murdered in the six months prior to the election. John D. Martz, "Democratization and National Development in Colombia," Latin American Research Review 27 (3, 1992): 217-219.
72. "Why we Abandoned our Guns. QuintRn Lame Speaks," SAIIC Newsletter 6, nos. 1 and 2 (1992): 10, reprinted from Unidad IndRgena 99 (the magazine of ONIC): May 1991.
74. It has been difficult to implement the territorial provisions, however, as secondary legislative procedures are required to distribute territorial entities and define their responsibilities. Indigenous organizations opposed the versions of the Organic Law the Gaviria and Samper administrations presented and are dissatisfied with the lack of input the organizations have been able to have in the creation of the implementing legislation. Ana Cecilia Betancourt and Hern(n RodrRguez, AAfter the Constitution: Indigenous Proposals for Territorial Demarcation in Colombia," Abya Yala News 8, nos. 1 and 2 (Summer 1994): 22-23. On the constitutional reform, see Departmento Nacional de Planeaci(n, Gobierno de Colombia, Bases para la conformaci(n de las Entidades Territoriales Ind(genas (Bogot(: 1992).
76. Regional Indigenous Council of the Cauca (CRIC), "Elecciones y movimientos c(vicos," Unidad Alvaro Ulcue (September, 1991): 4.
77. Alfonso Palma Capera and Oskar Benjamin Guti(rrez, "Special Indian Districting: Unresolved Political Problems in Colombia," Abya Yala News 8, no. 3 (Summer 1994): 14-15.
79. Palma, Capera and Guti(rrez, 14.
80. Kline, 24; Palma Capera and Guti(rrez, 14.
84. Black communities tend to identify strongly with particular rivers and the communities associated therewith, but not with those from different regions. Black political organizations are limited to tiny groups with little interconnection or political impact, who are over "intellectualized", and work on behalf of the communities rather than with them. Rosero calls on black communities to emulate the achievements of indigenous groups: 1) their strong organizational structure within and among communities; 2) their elaboration of a common theoretical vision; and 3) the development of tactics that maximize the potential of the work of the community. Carlos Rosero, "El Pac(fico: Frontera Cultural," Autodescubrimiento de Nuestra Am(rica. Camino de Identidad. Bolet(n Informativo, n.d.
85. Brooke, "Long Neglected, Colombia's Blacks Win Changes."
86. Campa(a Continental 500 A(os de Resistencia Ind(gena, Negra Y Popular, "Manifiesto al Pueblo Colombiano," 6 September 1992, Bogot(.
89. National NGOs working with indigenous communities are helpful in other ways, in particular in supporting economic cooperatives. The CECOIN, established in 1985 by former officials of the government's indigenous agency, has been instrumental in channeling national and international economic resources for community development. Many of the national NGOs work in cooperation with the congressionally funded U.S.-based Inter-American Foundation. On the role of NGOs in social movements in Colombia, see Marion Ritchey-Vance, The Art of Association: NGOs and Civil Society in Colombia (Rosslyn, VA: Inter-American Foundation, 1991).
91. Gros, "Una organizaci\n ind(gena"; Avirama and M(rquez.
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