McNair Paper Number 54, Chapter 7, October 1996

The collaboration challenges, some which are manifested in the Regional Security System (RSS), are, however, only part of the landscape of complexity and challenge. A critical part of it relates to the need to strengthen democracy.

The most popular approach to democracy used by Caribbean social scientists is the Schumpeterian approach, which sees contention and participation as the central features of democracy. As far as Carl Stone was concerned, for example, "democracy can be defined as a process which seeks to distribute power from centers of power concentration to the majority of citizens in a political system." (Note 1) For Evelyne Huber, "Democracy is defined by free and fair elections, at regular intervals, in the context of guaranteed civil and political rights, responsible government (i.e., accountability of the executive to elected representatives) and political inclusion (i.e., universal suffrage and nonproscription of parties)." (Note 2) Other specialists view democracy as "A system of government in which there is meaningful and extensive political competition for positions of government power, at regular intervals, among individuals and organized groups, especially political parties." (Note 3)

Elections are a critical legitimizing mechanism for democracies, and thus there is need for them, and for them to be free and fair. Nevertheless, as Douglas Payne of Freedom House correctly observed, "To assume that elections alone are an accurate gauge of the health of democracies is naive at best." (Note 4) Thus, for me, notwithstanding the importance of free and fair elections, the critical democracy challenges in the Caribbean involve full and meaningful participation by citizens in policy making, access to decisionmakers and institutions of government, and responsiveness by political rulers.

Central to the maintenance of democracy and the respect for human rights is the climate and character of the political environment. An environment where political elites act as though they are indispensable to the survival of the state is not conducive to a healthy climate for democracy or human rights. This attitude has not only led to electoral malpractice to retain power where there is a pretense to having electoral democracy, but it also has resulted in the cooptation of the military or their direct intervention into politics. Moreover, such a situation leads to gross violations of the civil and political rights of opponents of the regime specifically and of members of the body politic generally. Hence, transparency and accountability in political rule are critical, not only for elections, but for decisionmaking generally.

Political stability is not a guarantee of democracy and the protection of human rights. But there are strong links between stability and democracy, and between stability and human rights. Stability itself is a function of at least four factors: political legitimacy, political authority, political equality, and political participation. Legitimacy requires that the governing elites be representative and be based on a popular mandate. Authority relates to a reciprocal relationship between government and people where the political elites exercise power and the citizens consent to its use. Equality implies the possession of rights by citizens to participate actively in the political process without regard to distinctions such as race, ideology, gender, social geography, and social class. Participation, the fourth factor, involves the ability of citizens to influence the nature and operation of political rule through institutions such as political parties, unions, the courts, and the media. It is the absence of some or all of these that creates political instability. (Note 5)

The experiences of Suriname and Haiti show that while electoral democracy and stability are necessary, they are not sufficient. One writer makes the important point that "ending civil conflict, holding relatively free elections, and installing elected civilian regimes [are] not, in and of themselves, sufficient to create democratic systems." (Note 6) This brings us to the issue of institutions, one of which is the judiciary. The critical role of this institution to democracy generally and to human rights specifically needs no belaboring.

The term "justice delayed is justice denied" comes to life in the Caribbean due to case backlogs, absence of sufficient judicial personnel, and inadequate facilities, among other things. One observation about Jamaica has regionwide relevance: "Excessive or inordinate delays between the time of arrest and the final disposition of the case has frequently . . . extended into several years, and it is not unusual for cases to be finally determined after four or five years." (Note 7) Yet, the judiciary is not the only institution in need or repair and sustenance. While courts need to be independent to be effective judicial arbiters, they cannot operate in isolation; the nature and operation of police forces and prisons and other criminal justice agencies affect not only the work of the courts, but the quality of justice generally. Beyond the judiciary and these criminal justice institutions, the media, educational institutions, political parties, and labor unions are important pillars of functional democracy, and they all need to be strengthened in the Caribbean.

Given the resource and institutional limitations of the region, external support is also necessary to strengthen Caribbean democracy, to help repair and sustain the institutions mentioned above, among other things. However, as noted earlier, several donors are reevaluating their foreign aid policies, with the result that aid is being reduced. Donor fatigue is also a contributor. This situation certainly does not help the sustenance of democracy. However, although international-level action is crucial, it is not a substitute for domestic-level action. For as Richard Millett noted correctly: "Prime responsibility for the success of any democratic system rests with national elected authorities. . . . International assistance for strengthening democratic institutions needs to be enhanced, but political will can never be imported." (Note 8)