What are our security commitments to the region, implicit or explicit? Is there a difference in how we understand those commitments and how those in the region understand them? How well have we aligned those commitments to match the threat?

How does the region perceive the threat to its security, what will it demand of the U.S. to honor American commitments to regional security?  Given our national interest in maintaining regional security and stability, what will we need and what can we expect from regional governments to do the mission?

Do we and our regional friends and allies agree on the threat? How should we alter our security commitments to reflect the differences?

What are the regional demands on our resources and how does the U.S. balance those demands with the desire or need to distribute those resources elsewhere? How do we prioritize between competing requirements in different regions?

What impact does U.S. force presence in the Gulf States have on popular support for the government of those countries?

How much impact have the war in Iraq, the insurgencies, and the recent election had on the Gulf region?  How important is “the Street” in shaping popular attitudes and official policy towards the U.S.?

What are the public attitudes in the Middle East toward the existing political systems? How do we know? What are the sources of pressure for change?

What relative values do people in Middle Eastern countries place on ideals – such as democracy, freedom, justice, equality, order, and independence – that may be in tensions with one another as political reform proceeds?

What are the linkages between economic development and democracy?

How well are the Middle Eastern countries preparing their workforce for the new economic environment? What progress are they making in educational reform?

How do regional military forces see their roles – defending against external aggression and/or guaranteeing internal stability?  To what degree are they equipped to deal with internal and external challenges?

To what degree have Arab governments used the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and other conflicts as an excuse for limiting a more pluralistic government?

To what degree is the development of weapons of mass destruction (WMD) driven by threat perceptions? What other factors would prompt the regional states to acquire WMD?

How well has Pakistan developed the necessary command, control and security measures to reduce weapons proliferation and theft and protect their arsenal?

What did we learn about our abilities and shortfalls to observe, analyze and assess WMD development and proliferation from our experiences with Pakistan, Libya and Iraq?  How can we apply these lessons to address the development and proliferation of weapons by Iran?

What is the role for the European Union and other friends and allies in preventing Iran from developing nuclear weapons and delivery systems?

What are the chances, that after the U.S. withdraws from Iraq, Iraq may see the acquisition of WMD as a means of protecting against external threats?

What are the linkages between extremism and terrorism and how well do we understand them?

Are we approaching the war on terrorism the right way, are we focusing on the right issues? How do we convince regional governments and populations that our focus and actions are correct and not a war on Islam?

What impact will the Administration’s policy to promote democracy in the Broader Middle East have on terrorism in the next decade? 

Can and should the U.S. promote moderate and liberal Islamic networks as a counterbalance to the more established networks that support extremism and violence?

What are the risks of undermining authoritarian but anti-terrorist regimes so that extremists rather than moderates come out ahead?

Following the war in Iraq and the January elections, what do the Kurds and Arabs of Iraq want? What are the prospects for increased stability in Kurdish regions of Iraq and Turkey?

To what extent will Turkey’s desire to join the European Union influence how it addresses the Kurdish issue? 

How do the neighbors and the region view the emergence of a nuclear-armed Iran?

Is there any common threat perception by regional neighbors that would motivate them to seek an alliance to counter that threat?

India and China are increasingly dependent upon oil imported from the Middle East.  How has this shaped their involvement in the region?

What are the prospects for increased security cooperation with Iran, particularly in missile or dual use, WMD-related technologies?

How does the region view the increased presence of India, China, and others?

What are the critical internal triggers that could transform Pakistan into an Islamist state?

Would an Islamist Pakistan necessarily portend the proliferation of nuclear weapons or Islamic extremist?

What role would an Islamist Pakistan play in regional security and what if any external alliances would it seek?

What constitutes a successful outcome for Iraq?  Will Iraq's neighbors view success in the same manner as the U.S. or Iraq itself?

Can an economically and militarily strong, democratically ruled Iraq establish itself as a reliable regional security partner?  What issues will be the toughest to resolve?

Should Iraq fail to stabilize and develop economically and politically, what are the consequences for U.S. regional interest?