STRENGTH
THROUGH COOPERATION
Military
Forces in the
Asia-Pacific Region
THE
STRATEGY OF CONFLICT:
Teerawat Putamanonda
The
Royal Thai Army's
missions and roles, stated in the current constitution of Thailand, are based
on a comprehensive security concept that portrays a broader notion of security
by incorporating military and nonmilitary instruments of national power to
deal with any threats. The Royal
Thai Army is directly responsible for the first and foremost mission, which is
national defense. Maintenance of
internal security, internal law and order, and country development are the
other three missions in which the Royal Thai Army plays a supportive role.
Consequently, the Royal Thai Army, as an integral part of the
Government of Thailand, is given responsibilities by law not only to maintain
and apply the military instrument for national defense but also to enhance
other nonmilitary instruments of national power, when deemed appropriate.
The
Royal Thai Army force structure reflects these missions and roles and include
seven infantry, two
armor-cavalry, two special force, one artillery, one air defense, and one
engineering divisions. Additionally,
there are four additional development divisions.
Although our current force structure still reflects remnants of the
threats associated with the Cold War, we are
Lieutenant General Teerawat Putamanonda, Royal
Thai Army, is currently the
Assistant Chief of Staff for Intelligence. He has also served as Director of
Intelligence, Staff Officer for the Director of Operations, and Instructor of
the Command and General Staff College. LTG
Putamanonda was also the Liaison
Officer to the U.N. Command for the Republic of Korea.
The
Royal Thai Army strategy is defensive in nature.
The cornerstone of national defense strategy is the Total Defense
Concept, which has two main components in which the Royal Thai Army plays a
role. The first is national development, which aims at
strengthening internal security and focuses on the development of border areas
and the well-being of citizens. Efforts
in this component will provide national resilience in time of crisis.
The second component is a broader involvement in national defense.
Based on the total defense strategy, responsibilities for national
defense are divided accordingly among regular forces, local forces, and
citizen soldiers.
From
Thailand's
perspective, potential conflicts or threats seem to be more internal,
nonmilitary threats that stem from economic, social, or environmental
problems. There are no major threats from our immediate external
environment. However, it is fair
to say that sources of potential threats or conflicts are ill defined and
uncertain because of the complexity and multidimensional character of security
in the post- Cold War era.
Land
and maritime borders may be a source of potential conflicts, especially areas
overlapping exclusive economic zones and continental shelves.
These conflicts may have negative implications on the freedom of sea
lines of communication. Regionally,
the likelihood of a major regional war is slim, with the possible exceptions
of conflicts with the Korean peninsula and the area around the Taiwan Strait.
There are also possibilities of low-intensity conflicts in the Spratlys
and ethnic or religious unrest in some of the surrounding countries.
The ultimate objective of our strategy in coping with these potential
conflicts is to prevent a conflict or war.
In
the preparation for and the prevention of conflicts, the Royal Thai Army looks
at different but related levels of security.
For internal security, the total defense strategy should provide us
with a strong, cohesive, and prosperous nation less prone to internal
instability and thus internal conflict. The
total defense strategy also provides us with comprehensive national defense
against any aggression.
At
subregional and regional levels, where major war is unlikely and the nature of
security is complex and multi-dimensional, our strategy is based on preventive
diplomacy in the forms of constructive engagement and bilateral and
multilateral security cooperation.
With
regard to internal security, the Royal Thai Army implements the total defense
strategy by administering and coordinating rural development programs as well
as collaborating with other government agencies to fight nonmilitary threats. We also have programs to organize and train citizen soldiers
and other types of volunteers living in rural and border areas in order to
develop the areas and provide security of their own homeland. The Royal Thai Army also conducts training programs for local
forces, such as territorial defense volunteers, border-patrol police, and
other paramilitary forces. These
local forces supplement regular forces in carrying out national defense
objectives.
In
terms of subregional and regional security, we implement a constructive
engagement strategy and initiate bilateral and multilateral security
cooperation by participating in confidence- and security-building measures
with our neighbors. Border committees have been formed at all levels to solve
border conflicts constructively between Thailand and our neighbors.
We have successfully established a joint development area with Malaysia
in the ongoing disputed exclusive economic zones, and there are ongoing
negotiations regarding disputed areas with Vietnam.
Thailand was the first among ASEAN members to publish an official
defense white paper in 1994. The
first ARF, held in Bangkok in 1994, underscored the opinion of ASEAN members
that Southeast Asia must engage and cooperate with great powers in the region
on security issues, either military or nonmilitary.
Other CSBMs undertaken by the Royal Thai Army include exchange programs
in education and training, intelligence exchanges, combined training, and
other bilateral and multilateral military cooperation.
On
the international level, the Royal Thai Army has participated in U.N.
observation and peacekeeping missions, and there is an ongoing process to lend
an officer to the U.N. Headquarters on peacekeeping-related activities.
U.S.
presence in the Asia-Pacific region is critical to peace and stability in that
area as well as in Southeast Asia. No
one would deny that U.S. Armed Forces are the most formidable and unchallenged
in the present global strategic landscape.
Because the United States has an open and democratic society, U.S.
Armed Forces are seen as benign, as a stabilizing factor, and as an honest
broker in the region. Great
powers in the region are not necessarily viewed as nonbenign armed forces, but
they are likely to be less predictable than the United States.
Additionally,
U.S. presence is important, because Southeast Asia and the Asia-Pacific region
as a whole have no collective security arrangement like NATO or WEU in Europe.
ARF or other multilateral security dialogs in the Asia-Pacific region
require a strong countervailing power against any unilateralism or
nationalism; the United States is suitable for this role.
U.S. presence may take place in various forms, each of which have
differing degrees of psychological effects and politico-strategic
significance.
Stationing
of U.S. troops in areas like Japan and the Republic of Korea and
pre-positioning military equipment, arms, and supplies are viewed as a "strong"
U.S. presence. Combined training
and exchange visits involving military personnel, planes, and ships are seen
as a "softer"
U.S. presence.
How
does Thailand figure the U.S. presence into Thailand's strategic and planning decision?
Thailand and the United States are treaty allies and have enjoyed a
long and cordial relationship. U.S.
presence in the region and its defense relationship with Thailand provide a
strong deterrence against any aggression into Thailand's sovereignty and integrity; this was especially true
during the Cold War.
In
the post-Cold War era, when likelihood of a major regional war is low, the
deterrence value is less pronounced for Thai security.
However, U.S. presence is considered vital to regional stability, which
is an important ingredient for peace and prosperity in the Asia-Pacific region
as a whole. Because many U.S.
national security policies coincide with those of Asia-Pacific nations, U.S.
presence can give impetus for security dialogs and provide small powers in the
region with a significant level of assurance curtailing the outbreak of a
major war.
The
United States can also help prevent proliferation of weapons of mass
destruction and curb potential arms races as well as any hegemonic undertaking
inside or outside Southeast Asia. The
close and cordial Thai-U.S. defense relationship is still very important to
Thai security and prosperity. Thailand
can greatly benefit from Thai-U.S. defense cooperation programs through the
transferring of military technology and the exchange of knowledge and
experience. We also benefit from
Foreign Military Sales program in equipment procurement.
U.S.
presence in Southeast Asia is at the appropriate level.
Stationing of troops, equipment, arms, and supplies in countries of the
region other than Japan and Korea, would be counterproductive with regard to
constructive engagement strategy and bilateral and multilateral security
cooperation. Such a move could
undermine the CSBMs that ASEAN countries have constructed and are trying to
create.
In
October 1994, Thailand declined the U.S. request for the pre-positioning of
military equipment and supplies in the Gulf of Thailand.
This decision was based on the strategic effect this action would have
on the CSBMs undertaken in the region. Exchange
visits by military planes, ships, and personnel, as well as combined training
and exercises, are consistent with constructive engagement and security
cooperation, as this type of presence allow multilateral contacts thus leading
to a more transparent environment.
Thailand's
most revered and highly worshipped king, his Majesty the King Bhumipol
Adulyadej, have voiced his views on aspects of security and crisis management.
By initiating numerous royal development projects in different regions
of the country, his majesty's absolute devotion to Thailand's
security and prosperity has placed this Thai monarch at the center of every
Thai heart and mind. This gives
his majesty unprecedented charisma and influence in maintaining internal
stability in time of national crisis and rendering national cohesion and
resilience.
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