Crisis? What Crisis? Security Issues In Colombia - Notes
1. Paul Oquist, Violencia, conflicto y política en Colombia (Bogotá, Instituto de Estudios Colombianos, 1978).
3. "The term "praetorian system" is understood to be (…) that in which the different social segments directly confront each other to resolve conflicts through the distribution of power and resources, in the absence of institutions or legitimately accepted bodies to carry out mediation functions and rules of play to resolve conflicts." Carlos Moneta, Fuerzas Armadas y gobierno constitucional después de Las Malvinas : hacia una nueva relación civil-militar (México, CLEE, May, 1986).
4. Pauline Baker and John Ausink, "State Collapse end Ethnic Violence : Toward a Predictive Model", en Parameters. US Army War College Quarterly, (vol XXVI, no. 1, 1996), pp 19-31.
5. The number of displaced persons in Colombia in 1997 reached the frightening number of 920,000 refugees, which according to CODHES surpasses the number of refugees created by the racial conflict in Ruanda, Burundi and Zaire (900,000), the conflict in Bosnia-Herzegovina (345,000) and the combined number in the conflicts of Cyprus, Afghanistan, Myanmar and Iraq (510c000). But, the difference is that in those cases the displacement is toward other countries, while in Colombia this is primarily an internal displacement toward the marginal slums of the large cities where there are no public services.
6. The Colombian guerrillas, and especially the FARC, throughout decades of action, developed a centrifugal strategy (disperson of fronts throughout the length and breadth of the country). Today, they combine this strategy with a centripetal strategy (concentration of fronts to attack military objectives in a joint manner. Alfredo Rangel, Colombia: guerra en el fin de siglo (Bogotá: Tercer Mundo Editores/Universidad de los Andes, 1998).
7. Term used to describe the different taxes imposed by the guerrillas on the cultivators, processors, and traffickers of illegal drugs (marijuana, coca, and opium poppies).
8. Gunnar Myrdal, Asian Drama: An Inquiry Into the Poverty of Nations, Vol. II. (New York: Pantheon, 1968), pp. 951-958.
9. Arnold J. Heidenheimer, et .al. (eds.), Political Corruption: A Handbook (New Brunswick, N.J.: Transaction Publishers, 1989).
10. Stephen D. Morris, Corruption and Politics in Contemporary Mexico (Tuscaloosa, Ala.: The University of Alabama, 1991).
11. T. Lynn Smith, Colombia: Social Structures and the Process of Development (Gainesville, Fla.: University of Florida Press, 1967).
12. Robert H. Dix, Colombia: The Political Dimensions of Change (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1967), p. 180.
13. James L. Payne, Patterns of Conflict in Colombia (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1969).
14. Everett E. Hagen, On the Theory of Social Change, (London, 1962).
15. U.S. Army’s Area Handbook for Colombia (Washington, D.C.: American University, 1961).
17. Verraco: slang for a gutsy person. Pendejo: slang for a fool, an idiot.
18. Glen Caudill Dealy, Latin America: Spirit and Ethos (Boulder, Colo.: Westview Press, 1992), p. 191.
19 Francisco Thoumi, "Some Implications of the Growth of the Underground Economy in Colombia," The Journal of Inter-American Studies and World Affairs 29 (Summer 1987), pp. 35-53; "Why the Illegal Psychoactive Drugs Industry Grew in Colombia" The Journal of Inter-American Studies and World Affairs 34 (Fall 1992), pp. 37 - 63; Political Economy and Illegal Drugs in Colombia (Boulder, Colo.: Lynne Rienner, 1995).
20. Fernando Cepeda Ulloa, La corrupción administrativa en Colombia, 2 vols. (Bogotá: TM Editores, 1994).
21. Robert Klitgaard, Controlling Corruption, (Berkeley, Calif.: University of California Press, 1988).
22. Regina Matta and Jorge Gonzalez, "Y cómo se roban el fisco?" El Tiempo (April 26, 1998).
23. "La corrupción sigue campante," El Tiempo, (May 2, 1981), p. 1.
25. See Luis Blom Cooper, "Guns for Antigua: Report of the Commission of Inquiry into the Circumstances Surrounding the Shipment of Arms from Israel to Antigua and Transshipment … to Colombia," November 2, 1990.
26. Hector Mario Rodriguez, Los piratas de la bolsa (Bogotá: Ediciones Plus, 1988).
27. See Héctor Mario Rodríguez, El Aquila (Bogotá: Ediciones Plus, 1989).
28. See Rudolf Hommes, "Regulation and Deregulation in Colombia: Much Ado About Nothing?" (Inter-American Development Bank, Working Paper No. 316, January 1996).
29. Melvin Seeman "On the Meaning of Alienation," American Sociological Review, Vol. 24, 1959, pp. 783-791); "Alienation Studies," American Review of Sociology, Vol. 1, 1975, pp. 91-123. For the wide acceptances of his pioneering conceptualization, see G.M. Guthrie and P.P. Tanco, "Alienation," in: Handbook of Cross-Cultural Psychology, Vol. 6 (Boston, Mass.: Allyn and Bacon, 1980), pp. 9-59.
30. El Tiempo (April 26, 1998), p. 8.
31. "En un país en el que nadie parecía estar dispuesto a apostar un céntimo para morigerar la amenaza que se cernía sobre el vecino, un ministro de Estado, un Procurador General de la Nación, cuatro candidatos presidenciales, 1,500 dirigentes de la Union Patriótica, casi un millar de policias y medio centenar de periodistas, habian pagado con su vida el defender el ideal de un triunfo sobre la mafia." Edgar Torres and Armando Sarmiento, Rehenes de la Mafia (Bogotá: Intermedio Editores, 1998), p. 467.
32. El "miserable papel de hada madrina de los criminales," El Tiempo (April 26, 1998), editorial.
33. . . . donde se estan gestando las grandes transformaciones de Colombia. Es un pueblo de posibilidades inmensas, de valores que no se deben seguir subestimando . . . un pueblo que apesar de todo, aún crée, ama y espera." Umaña Luna, Orlando Fals Borda, Germán Guzmán, La Violencia en Colombia, vol. I (Bogotá: Ediciones 15 Tercer Mundo, 1962), p. 426.
34. ". . . este es un país de cobardes, de sinvergüenzas, de vagabundos, de ladrones y de asesinos. Me importa un carajo el país, me duele ser colombiano y estar entre un hatajo de asesinos." Umaña Luna, El Tiempo (April 20, 1998), p. 2.
35. Rafael Santos, El Tiempo (April 26, 1998), p. 5.
36. En medio de la consternación y la indignación, sobresale la patética impotencia del Gobierno ante tanto crímen político impune. Enrique Santos Calderón, El Tiempo, (April 23, 1998), p. 4.
37. Semana, Internet version (May 14, 1998).
38. This chapter is part of the panel produced and edited by the Woodrow Wilson Center. For purposes of clarity, footnotes with explanatory or source material have been added.
39. Juan José Arévalo assumed the presidency in March 1945, following the thirteen-year rule of General Jorge Ubico. Arbenz, who was Arévalo’s Minister of Defense and an army captain, became president in 1951, and was overthrown in 1954.
40. General Ydígoras Fuentes’ government was the second to succeed Arbenz. The uprising against Ydígoras took place in November 1960.
41. The Contadora Group, named for an island off the coast of Panamá where its first meeting took place, consisted of Colombia, México, Panamá, and Venezuela.
42. The Central American peace plan known as Esquipulas II, signed by the Central American presidents on August 7, 1989, called for national reconciliation and internal democratization, cease-fires, an end to outside assistance to insurgent movements, and free elections.
43. The URNG was formed in 1982 as an umbrella of four guerrilla organizations: the Ejército Guerrillero de los Pobres (EGP); the Organización del Pueblo en Armas (ORPA); the Fuerzas Armadas Rebeldes (FAR), and the Partido Guatemalteco de Trabajo.
44. The Comisión Nacional de Reconciliación was founded in 1987, in accordance with the Central American peace plan. Its president was Monseñor Rodolfo Quezada Toruño.
45. In May 1993, President Serrano attempted an autogolpe (self-coup) in which he attempted to shut down the legislature and the Supreme Court and suspend constitutional rights. Serrano was forced to resign. Congress then appointed the human rights ombudsman, Ramiro de León Carpio, to govern through the end of Serrano’s term.
46. This new Framework Accord was established in January, 1994.
47. The Group of Friends consisted of Colombia, México, Norway, Spain, the United States, and Venezuela.
48. These four were: the global accord on human rights (March, 1994); the accord on the resettlement of the uprooted population (June, 1994); the accord on the establishment of a historical clarification commission to report on past human rights abuses (June, 1994); and the accord on the rights and identities of indigenous peoples (March, 1995).
49. The administration of President Alvaro Arzú Irigoyen, inaugurated in January, 1996.
50. The important internal and international actors included not only the guerrilla leadership and members of the government, or the United Nations and the Group of Friends, but also the political parties, the media, and different sectors of civil society and its leadership, particularly the Catholic Church. The Civil Society Assembly (Asamblea de la Sociedad Civil, ASC) was very important. Before we began debating a certain topic at the negotiating table, the ASC would present a document that served as a point of departure for the discussion. The existence of the ASC allowed different sectors of the population to participate in the peace talks, and gave legitimacy to those of us seated at the bargaining table." Interview with General Otto Pérez Molina, October 14, 1998.
51. On the question of informal (and secret) contact between the Guatemalan armed forces and the URNG during the peace talks, see the commentary by General Julio Balconi, Guatemalan Minister of Defense, in Cynthia J. Arnson, ed., Comparative Peace Processes in Latin America (Palo Alto and Washington, D.C.: Stanford University Press and Woodrow Wilson Center Press, forthcoming 1999).
52. This chapter is part of the panel produced and edited by the Woodrow Wilson Center. For purposes of clarity, footnotes with explanatory or source material have been added.
53. The first face-to-face meetings between the Salvadoran government and representatives of the rebel alliance took place in October 1984 in La Palma, Chalatenango. Negotiations under United Nations auspices began in early 1990.
54. This chapter is part of the panel produced and edited by the Woodrow Wilson Center.
55. This chapter is part of the panel produced and edited by the Woodrow Wilson Center. For purposes of clarity, footnotes with explanatory or source material have been added.
56. Workers from the Jesuit human rights group CINEP (Centro de Investigación y Educación Popular), Mario Calderón and Elsa Alvarado, as well as Alvarado’s father Carlos, were murdered in their Bogotá apartment on May 19, 1997. The human rights unit of the Fiscalía General has issued arrest warrants for paramilitary leaders Fidel and Carlos Castaño as the intellectual authors of the crime. Four suspected gunmen are under arrest.
57. The U.P., a leftist alliance close to the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia insurgency, has seen thousands of its supporters murdered since its foundation in 1985.
58. The section on the peace process in Colombia from a comparative perspective has been produced and edited by the Woodrow Wilson Center.
59. Jesús Antonio Bejarano, Una Agenda para la Paz: Aproximaciones desde la teoría de la resolución de conflictos (Santafé de Bogotá: Tercer Mundo Editores, 1995).
60. Much of this discussion is drawn from the introduction and conclusion in Cynthia J. Arnson, ed., Comparative Peace Processes in Latin America (Palo Alto and Washington, D.C.: Stanford University Press and Woodrow Wilson Center Press, 1999).
61. The five policy eras are: 1978 to 1982, Julio César Turbay Ayala (Liberal); 1982 to 1986, Belisario Betancur (Conservative); 1986 to 1990, Virgilio Barco (Liberal); 1990 to 1994, César Gaviria Trujillo (Liberal); and 1994 to 1998, Ernesto Samper Pizano (Liberal).
62. Iain Cameron, The Protective Principle of International Criminal Jurisdiction.
63. (Aldershot, England: Dartmouth Publishing Co., Ltd., 1994), p. 6. J.A. Robinson, C. Hermann, and M. Hermann, "Search Under Crisis in Political Gaming and Simulation," in D. Pruitt and R.C. Snyder (eds.), Theory and Research on the Causes of War (Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, 1969); M. Brecher, and J. Wilkenfeld, "Crises in World Politics: A Research Note," World Politics 23 (1982), pp. 380-417.
64. Ole R. Holsti, R. Brody, and R.C. North, "Measuring Affect and Action in International Reaction Models: Empirical Materials from the 1962 Cuban Missile Crisis," in J. N. Rosenau (ed.), International Politics and Foreign Policy (New York: Free Press, 1969), pp. 679 - 696; Ole R. Holsti, Crisis, Escalation and War (Montreal: McGill-Queens University Press, 1972).
65. Robert Jervis, Perception and Misperception in International Politics (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1976).
66. Holsti, Crisis, Escalation and War.
67. Rafael F. Perl, "United States Andean Drug Policy: Background and Issues for Decisionmakers," Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 34 (3) (Fall 1992), pp. 13 - 35.
68. Agence France Presse (May 23, 1997).
69. Michael D. Wallace, Peter Suedfeld, and Kimberley Thachuk, "Political Rhetoric of Leaders Under Stress in the Gulf Crisis" Journal of Conflict Resolution 37 (1), (March 1993), pp. 94 - 107.
70. César Gaviria Trujillo, Estratégia Nacional Contra La Violencia (Bogotá: Presidencia de La Republica, 1991).
71. I. Janis, Victims of Groupthink (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1972).
72. Wallace, Suedfeld, and Thachuk.
73. Michael D. Wallace and Peter Suedfeld, "Leadership Performance in Crisis: The Longevity-Complexity Link," International Studies Quarterly 32 (1988), pp. 439 to 451.
74. Alexander L. George, Presidential Decision-Making in Foreign Policy: The Effective Use of Information and Advice (Boulder, Colo.: Westview Press, 1980).
75. Personal communication with Dr. Richard Millett (August 19, 1997).
76. Copyright 1998 Mark Andrew Sherman. All rights reserved.
77. See United States Department of State, Country Reports on Human Rights Practices for 1997 (Colombia), http://www.state.gov; Organization of American States, Inter-American Commission on Human Rights, Second Report on the Situation of Human Rights in Colombia, OEA/Ser.L/V/II.84, Doc. 39 rev. (Oct. 14, 1993); Human Rights Watch/Americas, Political Violence and Counterinsurgency in Colombia (1993).
78. Ricardo Vargas Meza, "Colombia: The Heresy of the Manicheans," in Democracy, Human Rights and Militarism in the War on Drugs in Latin America 23 (Amsterdam: Trans-National Institute, nd).
79. Fareed Zakaria, "The Rise of Illiberal Democracy," Foreign Affairs 76 (Nov./Dec. 1997), pp. 22-43.
80. U.N. Doc. E/Conf./82/15 (1988), reprinted in International Legal Materials 28 (1989), p. 493.
81. 1988 U.N. Vienna Drug Convention, art. 2(1).
82. U.S. Department of State, International Narcotics Control Strategy Report (Colombia) (1998), http://www.state.gov.
84. Executive Office of the President, Office of National Drug Control Policy, Department of State Report on Enhanced Multilateral Drug Control Cooperation (Sept. 1997).
85. "Summit Ends with Promises," Washington Post (April 20, 1998), p. A1.
86. Special Session Brochure, www.undcp.org (May 15, 1998).
87. Ken Bluestone, The United Nations General Assembly Special Session on Drugs: New Words, Old Actions? (October 1997); www.drugtext.org (May 15, 1998).
88. Adopted Dec. 16, 1966, entered into force Mar. 23, 1976, 999 U.N.T.S. 171 (1966).
89. Signed Nov. 22, 1969, entered into force July 18, 1978, O.A.S.T.S. No. 36, O.A.S. Off. Rec. OEA/Ser. L/V/II.23, doc.21, rev. 6.
90. See U.S. Department of State, Country Reports on Human Rights Practices for 1997 (Colombia).
91. See Organization of American States, Second Report on the Situation of Human Rights in Colombia.
92. Most recently, three Colombian human rights lawyers faced criminal prosecution before the Regional courts. The clients of these lawyers consist of "individuals accused of insurgency-related offenses, and many of its clients are community and labor activists. [The lawyers] ha[ve] also represented numerous victims of human rights violations in civil and criminal litigation seeking prosecution of military personnel and/or indemnification from the Colombian government." Lawyers Committee for Human Rights, Lawyer to Lawyer Network (Dec. 1997).
93. See U.S. Department of State, Country Reports on Human Rights Practices for 1997 (Colombia).
94. See Harvey F. Kline, Colombia: Democracy Under Assault (Boulder, Colo.: Westview Press, 1995), pp. 9-17.
95. See U.S. Department of State, Country Reports on Human Rights Practices for 1997 (Colombia).
96. See Organization of American States, Second Report on the Situation of Human Rights in Colombia.
97. U.S. General Accounting Office, Drug Control: Long-Standing Problems Hinder U.S. International Efforts 16, GAO/NSIAD-97-75 (Feb. 1997).
98. See Gerhard Drekonja, Retos de la política exterior colombiana (Bogotá: Fondo Editorial CEREC, 1983), pp. 127-155.
99. See Ministerio del Exterior (Nicaragua), Libro blanco sobre el caso de San Andres y Providencia (Managua: Ministerio del Exterior, 1989).
101. See Jacqueline Ann Braveboy-Wagner, The Caribbean in World Affairs (Boulder, Colo.: Westview Press, 1989); Diego Cardona y Juan Tokatlian, "Los desafíos de la política internacional colombiana en los noventa," Colombia Internacional 14 (1991), pp. 3 -- 10.
102. Ivelaw Griffith, "The Geography of Drug Trafficking in the Caribbean," in Michael Desch, Jorge Dominguez, and Andres Servin (eds.), From Pirates to Drug Lords: The Post-Cold War Caribbean Security Environment (Albany, N.Y.: State University of New York Press, 1998).
103. For a statistical overview of the magnitude of the drug trafficking problem in the Caribbean, see U.S. Department of State, International Narcotics Control Strategy Report (1991 -- 1995). The latest version can be found on the internet at: http://www.state.gov/www/global/narcotics_law/1997_narc_report/index.html.
104. See Alfredo Vazquez Carrizosa, Las relaciones de Colombia y Venezuela (Bogotá: Ediciones Tercer Mundo, 1983).
105. Juan Gabriel Tokatlian and Diego Cardona, "El Grupo de los Tres y la política exterior de Colombia: alternativa or ilusión?," in Andres Servin and Carlos Romero (eds), El Grupo de los Tres: asimetrías y convergencias (Caracas: FESCOL, 1994), pp. 41-57.
106. US News and World Report (May 11, 1998), p.39.
107. See Rodrigo Pardo and Juan Tokatlian, Political Exterior Colombiana: De la subordinación a la autonomía? (Bogotá: Tercer Mundo Editores, 1988); Martha Ardilla, Cambio de Norte?: Momentos críticos de la política exterior Colombiana (Bogotá: Tercer Mundo Editores, 1991).
108. Juan Tokatlian and Arlene Tickner, "Colombia’s Assertive Regionalism in Latin America," in Gordon Mace and Jean-Philippe Therien (eds.), Foreign Policy Regionalism in the Americas (Boulder, Colo.: Lynne Rienner Publishers, 1996).
109. See "Proyecto Houston," Semana (May 18, 1998), pp. 48-51.
110. See "¿Nuevo Vietnam?" Semana (April 13, 1998), pp. 24-28.
111. The USAID-sponsored meeting reported in "Proyecto Houston," Semana (May 18, 1998), internet version.
112. Cambio16, with International Red Cross and Comisión de Conciliación Nacional, Bogotá (May 1998).
113. Peter Hart, The I.R.A. and Its Enemies. Violence and Community in County Cork, 1916-1923 (Oxford University Press, 1998).
114. This statement predated the August 1998 attacks that accounted for the death or kidnapping of hundreds of Colombian police and soldiers, including the bloody attack that obliterated the U.S.-funded antidrug encampment at Miraflores.
115. "Proyecto Houston," Semana (18 May, 1998), internet version.
116. http://www.state.gov/www/global/human_rights/1997_hrp_report/colombia.html.