The
Challenges of Sino-US Relations:
Jiemian
Yang
Shanghai
Institute for International Studies
(Draft)
When the world
is transiting into the new century and the new millenium, so is the configuration
of the world powers. The multi-polarization of the world and the globalization
of economy have added new international factors. The post-Cold War era has
witnessed a realignment of co-relation of powers in the world. Major powers
today are readjusting their relationships. The developed countries, especially
the United States, are enjoying a relatively stable growth in economy and
striding in science and technology. The information revolution has made the
world a more integrated one. Along with these developments, are the changes of
people’s mindsets, mentalities as well as ideas. Another prominent development
is the increase of the numbers of the non-state players, such as super-state
ones, regional organizations, NGOs and multinationals. The disintegration of
the former Soviet Union and the emergence are the two major considerations for
the United States to redefine its China policy.
However, states
are still the most important actors in today’s international affairs. In terms
of state-to-state relations in the world, the Sino-US relationship is one of
the most important bilateral relationships. Last year the Sino-US relations
experienced dramatic and drastic events ranging from the bombing of the Chinese
Embassy in Belgrade to the conclusion of the WTO package. This year is US
presidential election year. Many have predicted that the Sino-US relationship
will be complicated and difficult.
The Sino-US
relationship has a strong international context. It interacts with other
factors both regionally and globally. The direction of the Sino-US relationship
will directly affect the peace and development in the world in general and the
Asia-Pacific Region in particular. Since both China and the United States are
two major powers, they hold special responsibility as well. Given the
commonality of and difference between the two nations, there exist both
positive and negative possibilities in the years ahead.
I. The World,
Asia-Pacific Region and China
1. The World
Environments. Since the end of the Cold War era, the world has witnessed
some fundamental changes. The world is undergoing a transitional period. The
bipolar system has disappeared. But people still do not know clearly what kind
of system it is going to be. Some suggest a Pan
Americana. Some talk about a multi-polar system. Still some others advocate
something in between. The question of how to define the new world system has
caused some uncertainties and anxieties.
The transition
from the Cold War international order to the post-Cold War does not like the
previous times. It did not go through a major war and new treaties but is
experiencing a long process of evolution. The United Nations, the International
Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank continue to be important parts of the
current international order. But the World Trade Organization (WTO) is
definitely something new. All countries, especially some big and middle powers,
want to obtain an advantageous position at a time when the new International
Political and Economic Order (NIPEO).
Both the
contents and extensions of today’s international affairs have greatly expanded.
State-to-state relations have far exceeded the traditional spheres and extended
into economy, education, culture, environment protection, and others. Many
non-state actors are coming to play more important and active roles than ever
before. International and regional inter-governmental organizations has resumed
part of a super-national government. Some multinationals and transnationals has
not only much more economic power but also political power than some medium and
small countries. State’s physical boundaries have become less important for the
inter-flow of people, capital and technology.
A dichotomy of
trends appears to gather momentum. On the one hand, nations and peoples are
inclined to determine their priorities by practical interests. Economic growth
and the elevation of life qualities are more important than abstract concepts.
On the other hand, the United States and some other Western powers have
increasingly stressing such notions as “democracy”, “freedom” and “human
rights”. They emphasize the limitation of sovereignty, advocate for
humanitarian intervention and call for preventive diplomacy.
Information
revolution has rapidly and profoundly changed the world. Information revolution
has not only changed the ways of communication, but also those of living,
working and thinking. The easiness and swiftness of communication have enabled
nations and people to think in a much broader sense. This is especially true in
international affairs. The developed countries are attempting to take this
advantage to expand their political and economic interests in the world. The
developing countries are obviously in a disadvantageous position.
The United States
continues to gain advantages. It is enjoying the longest period of economic
growth and rapid development of science and technology. The United States,
through the NATO expansion and US-Japan security guideline, has succeeded in
readjusting its relations with its major allies. With a boosted comprehensive
national strength and self-confidence, the United States is anxious to
translate its wills into actions in dealing with certain international affairs.
At the same time, the US has to readjust its relations with other major powers.
It confronts difficulties with Russia, China, India and, to a less extent,
France. The United States also has troubles to deal with developing countries.
2. Regional
Environments. The concepts and realities of the Asia-Pacific Region have
greatly changed in the past decade. Ten years ago, people were greatly
optimistic about Asia-Pacific Region’s politics, economy and security. The
Asia-Pacific Region did not suffer political and economic turmoil of the
European kind at the end of the Cold War. People were thus encouraged to talk
about the possibility of a peaceful and prosperous transition. The previous two
decades of economic growth have made people entertain such ideas of
Asia-Pacific Century. Some people even doubt if there would ever be a business
cycle in the region.
However, the
late course of developments has proved these predictions wrong. First, the
major power relationships in the region have seen frequent ups and downs. The
triangular relationships of the United States, Japan and China have become
difficult. Sino-US and Sino-Japan relationships have soured. In addition, the
strengthened military alliance of the United States and Japan has been watched
carefully by China. The closer military-to-military ties between China and
Russia have also caused grave concerns in the United States and Japan. Second,
the Asian Financial Crisis ended the long and high economic growth in the
region. Many economies have actually retrogressed for many years. The Asian
countries have begun to realize a simple truth: their economy is also
vulnerable to outside impacts. As a result, the process of regional economic
cooperation and integration has noticeably been affected. Third, in some
countries political turbulence went hand in hand with economic difficulties.
Indonesia has finally discarded the Suharto regime. The tensions in the Korean
Peninsular have caused concerns time and
again. The US-Japan security guideline and the proposed Theater Missile
Defense (TMD) have become highly controversial. The nuclear arms race between
India and Pakistan has been a severe setback to non-proliferation efforts.
Despite of these
adverse developments, the Asia-Pacific Region is still moving ahead. On the whole,
the Asian Financial Crisis is over. South Korea, Thailand, Malaysia and others
have regained their momentum of economic growth. Moreover, the Asia-Pacific
countries have learnt a good lesson, which will benefit their future
development. Indonesia has displayed its great capabilities to avert political
disaster and adapt to the new situation. The ASEAN countries are closing their
ranks and preparing for a new role in the regional affairs.
3. Implications
to China. After twenty years of reforming and opening-up, China has
substantially enhanced its comprehensive national strength. It is aiming at
transforming backward China into a medium developed country in the middle of
the 21st century. In order to achieve these great goals, China needs
a peaceful environment externally and stability internally. Thus, China has all
along pursued an independent and peaceful foreign policy.
China has set
out a very clear global and regional strategy. At global level, it is to ensure
a more just and reasonable international order. China is an emerging power but
does not demand for an overhaul of the existing international order. Actually,
China is already part of the existing one. For political and security matters,
China is one of the Five Permanent Members of the UN Security Council. For
economic matters, it is a member of both IMF and World Bank. China spares no
efforts to join the WTO. As a matter of fact, China’s policy of reform and
open-up itself is a manifestation of how painstakingly China is working at
integrating itself with the international community. In the meantime, China
also works hard at improving the existing order. China does not endorse a
mono-polar word, nor satisfy with the Western dominance of the world affairs.
China calls for an increased role of the developing nations. China hopes that, through
negotiations and dialogues, the world community will finally be able to
establish a more just and fairer NIPEO.
At regional
level, China’s first priority is to improve its relations with the neighbors.
Thanks to years’ efforts, China enjoys good and stable relations with most of
its neighbors. China has settled almost all of its border issues with Russia,
the former Soviet republics, Vietnam and some others. China’s proposal for
common development while shelving disputes in the South China Sea has been
widely appreciated by the parties concerned. During the Asian Financial Crisis,
China kept its promise not to devalue its currency, thus halting the Domino
effect of a new round of Asian devaluation. China’s high sense of
responsibility has won great admiration from its Asian neighbors. Many Asian
countries have come to realize that China is not a threat, but a helper. China
also plays an important role in maintaining peace and stability in the Korean
Peninsular and works hard on the issue of non-proliferation. China is a
positive and active member of major regional organizations and mechanisms, such
as the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC), ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF),
10+3 (10 ASEAN nations plus China, South Korea and Japan), 10+1 (10 ASEAN nations
plus China), and Asia-Europe Dialogue.
II. New Trends
in the Sino-US Relationship
1. New
Challenges in the Sino-US Relationship. First, Mutual frustration has
reached a dangerous point. In China’s view, the United States has created one
trouble after another. These include the so-called political contribution, the
TMD, the Cox Report, the last-minute rejection of the package deal with the
visiting Chinese Premier Zhu Rongji on China’s accession to the WTO, the
bombing of the Chinese embassy in Belgrade and the proposed Taiwan Security
Enhancement Act (TSEA). For the United States, it was criticizing China for its
human rights record, its ties with such “rogue” nations as Iraq and Iran, its
rejection of renouncing use of force to solve the Taiwan issue and its vehement
reaction after the bombing incident. The US side also complained that, among
other things, China did not return American well-intentioned gestures.
Second, strong
mutual frustration has turned into deep mutual suspicion. The worst scenario
has prevailed in some cases. Foreign policy very much depends on perceptions.
If people just think the worst of each other, sensible and reasonable policies
will not be made and implemented. Some of the US media has often depicted China
in a very negative way. Some Americans both inside and outside the government
have suspected that China will become an adversary. A coming conflict between
the two some time in the next century is inevitable.
Third, domestic
factors play an increasingly bigger role. Many complicated and difficult
factors are affecting the US China policy. The political and partisan fights
often derail the executive’s agenda. The US preference for unilateralism and
the strange alliance of the left and right exert great pressure on its any attempt
to improve the Sino-US relations. The single-issue pressure groups, such as the
human rights, environment protection, trade union and religious organizations,
all challenge the Clinton Administration’s China policy. The ongoing
presidential campaign has made the situation even more difficult to handle. In
China, its increasing integration with the world and the US has blurred the
distinction between foreign and domestic factors. The Permanent Normal Trade
Relations (PNTR) status and the WTO accession issues are two cases in
point. The Chinese people’s resentment
and dissatisfaction against the US pressure have been on the quick rise. The
patriotism and enhanced self-confidence have become an important factor to be
reckoned with in China’s foreign policy decision-making process. Of course, not
all the domestic factors are negative. Years of interchanges in politics,
economics, cultures, professions, and academics have brought up a large group
of people for normal and healthy relationship. The two business communities
both play an active and effective role in this bilateral relationship.
Fourth, the
Sino-US relationship closely interacts with the cross-Strait relations. Since
the Taiwan Strait crisis in 1995–1996 and the summit visits in 1997 and 1998, the
US has exercised some restraint and caution on the Taiwan issue. The executive
and legislative branches and others in the mainstream have reached a sort of
consensus, namely, that Taiwan should not take provocative moves. However, two
opposing forces are pulling the United States. One is to improve the Sino-US
relationship, and the other is to strengthen its ties with Taiwan. The United
States has increased arms sales to Taiwan, the US-Japan defense guideline has
virtually included Taiwan, and the proposed TMD will give a military, political
and psychological support to Taiwan’s separationist tendency.
2. Some
Positive Trends. As the Sino-US relationship is so important that neither
side can afford a total confrontation. Even in the eventful year of 1999, the
two governments were able to control the damage and continue the relationship.
There is some encouraging news.
Both governments
are working at putting their relationship back on the normal track. The Sino-US
relationship is too important to become out of control. The two countries are
doing repair work. They have reached agreement on compensation on the Bombing
Incident. It is encouraging to see that the two presidents used hotlines after
both the bombing and Mr. Lee Teng-hui’s two-state remarks. The Jiang-Clinton
summit at the APEC last September greatly facilitated the final wrapping of the
WTO deal. China and the United States have already resumed political and
military consultations that were suspended after the Bombing Incident.
WTO package will
exert an positive impact on the Sino-US relationship. Although President
Clinton turned down the best possible offer from the Chinese Premier Zhu Rongji
during his April trip to the United States, the US side, the executive and
legislature alike, has finally realized its importance. Only four months after
the tragic bombing incident, the two presidents met at APEC meeting in
Auckland, the New Zealand and agreed to reopen the WTO negotiation. Again only
another two months later, the two governments concluded the package agreement.
As an important step to fulfill its obligations, the US congress will go to
vote on whether offering PNTR to China some time in the middle of this year. In
essence, this is a vote on whether the US would like to continue its normal
relation with China and realize its hard-won benefits through the negotiation
with China. The conclusion of WTO deal will help narrow Sino-US differences and
expand their commonality. The closer economic and trade relations will also
have positive ripple effects in other fields.
China and the
United States have reached certain degree of understanding to stabilize the
situation in the Taiwan Strait area. The two sides have realized that healthy
and normal Sino-US relations facilitate stable cross-Strait relations. Stable
cross-Strait relations are in the interests of all the parties concerned.
Shortly after Mr. Lee Teng-hui put forward his “Two-State” Theory last July,
the US executive branch clarified its position on adhering to its “One China”
policy and criticized Mr. Lee for his intention to “rock the boat” and “change
the status quo”. Even some pro-Taiwan
elements at the US Congress showed their dissatisfaction. Some credits should
be given to the Clinton administration.
The two sides
have resumed their political and security dialogues. While the proposed
constructive strategic partnership is controversial, both governments continue
its consultations on strategic and security matters. Starting from December
last year, China and the United States resumed their political and military
dialogues. It has been reported that more high-level visits will take place.
The Chinese side has again agreed to allow US ship calls at Hong Kong ports.
The two sides will also hold joint maritime humanitarian exercises. Such mutual
visits and military-to-military exchanges are obviously beneficial for
increasing mutual understandings.
Realistic
expectation will reduce the chance of disillusion. The two sides have become
pragmatic and realistic in setting their goals in the election year of the
United States. On the American side, the Clinton Administration understands
that the best thing is to avoid controversy during the presidential campaign.
It therefore focuses on winning supports for offering PNTR to China. On the
Chinese side, it also realizes that under the current circumstances it is not
likely to reach any significant breakthroughs in the Sino-US relations.
Therefore, to promote trade and economic relationship has become the major
theme, and perhaps the only feasible target. Perhaps this is what both sides
have learnt in the past few years. It is better to resist tempting catchwords
and adopt realistic attitudes.
III. Sino-US
Relations and Their Impacts
China and the
United States are two important members of the world and Asia-Pacific region.
Their bilateral relationship is of great significance on the Asian Pacific
countries’ foreign and domestic policies. In the past three decades, though
without ups and downs, the general trend of the Sino-US relationship is positive
and forward-looking. An improved Sino-US relationship has greatly contributed
to the peace and development in the region.
In order to
maintain this trend, we must understand some of their conceptual and actual
differences. As how to evaluate the global and regional situation, China does
not see eye to eye with the United States. China believes that the world is
heading for a multi-polar one. Since the end of the Cold War, the configuration
of world powers is changing. The original bipolar confrontation is being
replaced by the coexistence of one superpower and several major powers.
Although this pattern has basically remained stable, US superiority is on the
rise. Moreover, the United States is trying hard to translate its superiority
into the advancement of its own interests in politics, diplomacy, security and
economy. China calls for the establishment of a more just and fairer NIPEO,
appeals for respect for the territorial integrity and sovereignty of all
countries, opposes interference in others’ internal affairs, and rejects the
use or threat of use of force.
The United
States holds that it should continue its leadership in the world affairs well
into the 21st century. On the basis of its enhanced international
standing and increased national strength, the United States tries hard to
project its powers, promote its value, expand its economic interests and spread
its culture. The US superiority has been further strengthened vis-à-vis a
weakened Russia, an economically injured Japan and a not-yet-a-peer Europe. In
handling with world affairs, the United States is often hegemonic, hotheaded,
inclined to interfere with others’ internal affairs and solve some regional
conflicts by force. The United States has even gone so far as to bypass the UN
and use military force. Just since August 1998 the United States has used
force, either individually or multilaterally, against Afghanistan, Sudan, Iraq,
and Yugoslavia.
The United
States has not moved beyond the Cold War thinking in security matters. At the
end of the Cold War, some Americans seriously thought of restricting NATO’s
role, withdrawing some overseas troops and calling for peace dividends. In the
Asia-Pacific Region, the Clinton Administration once put forward the concept of
a “New Pacific Community.” American academic circles explored possible
collective models ranging from the Northeast Asian Security Cooperation
Conference to the ARF. However, in recent years, Cold War thinking is picking
up in the United States. According to the US’s new strategy put forward in
1997, the United States takes as guiding principles molding a conducive
international environment, maintaining the capacity to win two theater wars at
the same time, and preparing for unforeseeable crises. It is stepping up a
security system in the Asia-Pacific Region by strengthening bilateral military
alliances under its leadership.
The United
States has clear-cut targets in these two strategic regions. First and
foremost, the United States tries to maintain its global and regional leadership.
It wants to continue to weaken Russia so that there will be no way for the
Russians to challenge the Americans once again in the future. In the
Asia-Pacific region, the United States has a hedging policy to prevent China
from becoming its peer sometime in the next century.
In order to
realize its security strategy, the United States needs to cooperate and
coordinate with its allies. In Europe, the United States has worked out a
security network by strengthening and enlarging NATO. In the Asia-Pacific Region,
the United States has made the US-Japan alliance a cornerstone with a system of
bilateral alliances with Japan, South Korea, Thailand, the Philippines, and
Australia.
China has always
advocated the casting away of Cold War thinking, called for common and
cooperative security, and opposed obtaining one’s “security” at the expenses of
the others. China opposes the so-called NATO expansion, the US-led NATO action
in Kosovo and the US military actions against some countries. Besides, China
firmly opposes US arms sales to Taiwan, the inclusion of Taiwan under the
US-Japan Security Guideline and the TMD covers Taiwan, and the proposed TSEA.
All these do not only seriously violate the three Sino-US joint communiqués,
but also gravely encroaches upon China’s sovereignty and territorial integrity.
Small wonder
that China and the United States differ on a number of international issues
such as the relationship with Iran and Iraq, post-nuclear tests
Indian-Pakistani relations, the international trial of the former Khmer Rouge
leaders, and particularly the Kosovo crisis. Therefore, some Americans even
claim that there is no cooperation basis for the proposed strategic partnership
between the two countries.
IV. For a Better
Future
1. Working
Towards a Better Sino-US Relationship. As a ranking American Pentagon
official said, among the Sino-US problems, the most important and imminent
danger is not human rights, trade deficit or Falun Gong, but the Taiwan issue.
Indeed, the Taiwan issue has always been the most important and sensitive issue
at the core of the Sino-US relationship. Therefore, the United States should
play a positive role in its handling with the Taiwan issue. Fundamentally
speaking, the Taiwan issue is an internal affair between the Chinese across the
Taiwan Strait, and the United States should not interfere with China’s internal
affairs. However, the Chinese side can discuss the Taiwan issue with the
Americans, because the United States created the Taiwan issue half a century
ago and still possesses great influence over Taiwan. The Taiwan issue has
always been the most important and sensitive issue at the core of the Sino-US
relations. The US executive branch and Congress should not play a negative role
in the process of China’s reunification. The United States should abide by the
three joint communiqués and keep to its commitment of “One China;” the US
Congress should encourage cross-Strait dialogue instead of Taiwanese
independence.
In near term, both
countries should strive to stabilize their bilateral relationship. Whether like
it or not, the US election culture has created a four-year cycle of first
attacking and then dealing with China. Campaign rhetoric fills fuel to the
fiery debates in both countries. The political and opinion leaders have the
great responsibility to stabilize their bilateral relationship. The gradual
resumption of political, strategic and military exchanges are important for
mutual communication. The so-called second tracks are indispensable in
promoting mutual understanding. The economic interaction is a stabilizer in the
relationship. Speaking something one has to and refraining from overreaction to
words benefits maintaining stable relationship. Doing something of common interest
and deferring something controversial facilitate a constructive relationship.
The reversed will result in not only competitive but also confrontational
relationship.
In medium term,
both countries should improve their mechanisms and work towards more confidence
Building Measures (CBMs). They should also create a favorable regional
environment. Given the importance of the two countries, their bilateral
relationship has far exceeded their physical boundary. It is in their common
interest to create a politically friendly, strategically cooperated environment
in the region. China and the United
States should adopt a down-to-the-earth attitude to discuss important regional
issues, such as the China-US-Russia relationship, China-US-Japan relationship,
the Korean Peninsula issue, economic and financial cooperation, etc.
In long term,
both countries should take a strategic and long-term view when they deal with
each other. The two countries should take concrete steps to enhance
understanding, dispel misunderstanding, remove suspicions, reduce troubles, and
increase cooperation. First and foremost, the two countries should work out a
strategy of making friendly relationships and not making enemies each other.
They have to have more official and unofficial contacts, greater economic and
trade interactions, better coordination on global and regional issues, closer
consultation at international organizations, and joint efforts in building up a
NIPEO.
2. Working
Towards a Better Asia-Pacific Region. As the Sino-US relationship will
directly affect the regional stability and prosperity, the two countries hold
special responsibilities and the keys to building up a regional security and
economic framework. The two countries should display more sincerity and trust in
conducting dialogue on regional security matters. Together with other countries
in the region, they should work out a formula to enhance mutual trust, reduce
mutual suspicions, alleviate the danger of arms race, and avoid unintentional
accidents. Through these CBMs, they could contribute to a stable and secure
regional mechanism.
On some existing
and potential hot spots in the region, both China and the United States should
expand their cooperation where such cooperation does exist such as in the
Korean Peninsula, Cambodia and on the matter of non-proliferation in the South
Asia Sub-Continent. They should work hard at facilitating cooperation where
such possibilities can be sought such as in Southeast Asia. They should also
make efforts to do a good job on damage controls where they have fundamental
differences. Neither side should take unilateral actions to aggravate the
situation.
Nowadays
security has far exceeded the traditional boundary. Economic security has
become an important component of nations’ security considerations. China and
the United States have worked together at the APEC and cooperated to certain
extent on financial and monetary matters during the Asian Financial Crisis.
However, further cooperation needs more mutual communication, understanding and
trust. China, the US and other countries concerned should work together to this
end. Here the region-wide cooperation is a precondition for building up
regional mechanism to promote trade liberalization, cooperation in science and
technology, and stability in finance and monetary matters.
3.Working
Towards a Better World. China and the United States are major powers in the
world. They are both permanent members of the UN Security Council and posses
nuclear weapons. China is the largest developing country whereas the United
States is the strongest developed one. Moreover, China is emerging and the
United States is not declining. To a large extent the two countries will be
critical to the establishment of the NIPEO on a more just and fairer basis.
Both countries
should work together with the major countries and /or country groups to reach
consensus on the principles to establish the new international order. They
should determine the codes of conducts as well. While it is useful to explore
such concepts as human rights and humanitarian concerns, no country has the
right to monopolize their interpretation, let alone to enforce their views onto
the other nations. In the meantime, they should fully implement the Five
Principles of Peaceful Co-Existence as a prerequisite to establish the NIPEO.
Of course, they should also take into consideration other proper principles.
To realize these
goals, China and the United States should work with other countries to reach
agreements. China does call for an immediate realization of the NIPEO but
through negotiation and in a gradual way. It advocates strengthening rather
than weakening the role of the UN. It firmly opposes to unilateral alteration
of existing arrangements such as Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty (ABM). It
positively participates new negotiations such as the Comprehensive Test Ban
Treaty (CTBT). China makes relentless efforts to join in new organizations such
as WTO..
Both countries
should work hard with a view to the era of the earth village. Both China and
the United Sates are major nations with vast territories, big populations and
considerable powers. Therefore, it is relatively easier for them to admit the
earth village concept but still difficult to translate it into policies. They
should stress the welfare of the entire human race rather than their own. They
have the responsibilities and obligations to eliminate poverty both at home and
abroad. Broad-mindedness is the basis for a harmony instead of conflict of
nations.
Both countries
should think far in advance to promote the peace and prosperity of the world.
At the times of invention, creation and advancement, new progresses in science
and technology take place every day. China, the United States and other
countries confront with the issue how to make them for world peace and
prosperity. All countries should concentrate their wisdom and resources on
lifting up people’s living standard. All countries should use these new
achievements to promote healthy state-to-state relations instead of interfering
with other countries internal affairs. No country is allowed to start a new
round of arms race by taking the advantage of their strength.
Maybe the
above-mentioned seem to be too idealistic and moral-driven. However, for a
better and securer world in the new century and millenium, we need inspiration,
principle, value and truth. China is one of the birthplaces of great thoughts.
The United States is typical in generating new thinking. Asia is proud of its
unique value. The Asia-Pacific Region has immensely contributed to development
strategy and philosophy. There is no reason why we should hesitate to talk
about ideas and ideals.
In the United
States, especially in the military circle, it is generally believed that strong
and sufficient military preparation can stop the war. In Chinese character, two
parts make up the word “military”: meaning say NO to weapons. We have something
in common despite of all our differences. Therefore, let us make joint efforts
at the two ends of the world to say NO to wars and YES to peace and prosperity.
(February 27,
2000)
Jiemian Yang
Senior Fellow
and Director
Department of
American Studies
The Shanghai
Institute for International Studies
Tel: (86)(21)
5403-2537 (o)
Fax:(86)(21)
5403-0272 (o)
Email: jiemyang@public4.sta.net.cn